Blish wrote a couple of YA novels that rationalized the presence of teens as cadets. His future society enrolled young people directly into apprenticeships for highly responsible positions. And they enforced a sexual code handily appropriate for Juvenile fiction in the late Fifties/early Sixties on the grounds that coed was distracting to a really sound education. I read a foreword by his daughter where she told of asking him if he really believed the rationale. As I recall he was too nonplussed at being taken so literally he couldn't quite answer, or possibly felt caught out at writing something he didn't believe.
In other words, Blish was the kind of man for whom "interesting" doesn't mean approving. He actually wrote a Fascist novel, by his eccentric lights, called A Torrent of Faces, in collaboration with Norman L. Knight. Their version of Fascism had zero in common with fascism as commonly understood. It took seriously, for fictional purposes, some of the blather about noncapitalist forms of economic organization. It was actually a fictional form of benevolent despotism, and I doubt he took it much more seriously than he took his cadets. (It was an overpopulation tract and a fictional government that couldn't be blamed for permitting profiteering as desirable, to foreclose the objection that there is potentially material abundance.)
That said, Blish had a flirtation with the Communist Party in his youth, and like so many, veered sharply rightward with McCarthyism. Another collaboration, The Duplicated Man, featured a fictional Communist Party whose apparatus was modeled on the organelles of the cell!

As I mentioned before, his political vision was passionate enough to promote Robert Moses to bete noir. Blish was no longer interested in ordinary people in the mass. But, then, this is true of practically every word in print, or minute on film or stage.
The changes and interstitial comments Blish made in the adapatation of Patterns of Force don't stick with me clearly enough to be sure, but I have a vague feeling he was a little dubious of the idea. The idea that Nazis were efficient, when it was
Prussians who were efficient (a reputation earned after the post-Napoleonic reforms in education and government,) was harebrained and reactionary even then.